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Dennis Pilon
Elections by John Courtney
University of British Columbia Press, Vancouver, 2004
In John Courtneys audit of Canadian elections there is much praise for
the status quo and only caution about embracing any reforms. Aside from
some criticisms of the new voter registration system, Courtney rightly
draws attention to the many strengths of the Canadian electoral system,
particularly our system of independent boundary commissions and non-partisan
democratic administration. Indeed, he even declares near the end of the
book that unlike countless millions around the world, Canadians today
can take pride in their electoral regime. For those unhappy with the
workings of some of our electoral machinery, especially our traditional
voting system, Courtney argues that while some problems may exist, they
can not be helped the greater good is served by the existing arrangements
and their tendency to encourage centrist, big tent parties and majority
governments. But Courtneys arguments are based on some contentious interpretations
of the Canadian party system and the nature of democracy. Depending on
how one understands these debates, Courtneys conclusions will appear either
more or less compelling.
To grasp the state of Canadian elections, Courtney explores what he calls
the principal components or building blocks of the electoral system.
These include concerns over defining the franchise, revising electoral
boundaries, administering the elections, registering voters, and the method
of translating votes into seats. Utilizing the benchmarks established
by the Canadian Democratic Audit team, Courtney then evaluates each component
of the electoral system in terms of how well it fosters participation,
inclusiveness and responsiveness. On the whole, he finds most do so quite
well, with Canadian democratic administration, boundary revision, and the
scope of the franchise getting top marks, while only our current voter
registration system comes in for sustained criticism.
Given the Democratic Audit criteria, one might have expected our current
plurality voting system to come in for some criticism. After all, a host
of critics have underlined how it fails to include all voices or register
voter preferences accurately, thus limiting accountability and possibly
depressing participation. But in discussing the voting system Courtney
drops the Democratic Audit benchmarks altogether and introduces a different
set of criteria concerned with maintaining the stability of government
and the party system. Basically, Courtney argues that our single member
plurality voting system has typically encouraged the formation of broadly-based,
nationally accommodative parties that offer voters a clear choice between
government and opposition. Though some parties may be discriminated against,
Courtney feels this is an acceptable trade-off to maintain the brokerage
function of our traditional party system that he feels is crucial to health
of a country divided by language, region, ethnicity, etc. Furthermore,
he argues that alternatives like proportional representation would only
lead to unstable minority or coalition government, party fragmentation,
and a lack of governing and local accountability. These latter points
are key because for Courtney, following Schumpeter, democracy is primarily
about choosing a government, preferably one with a strong legislative majority.
In Courtneys view, anything less in the Canadian setting would pose a
threat to the maintenance of the country itself.
Not surprisingly, the strength of Elections as a volume tends to be concentrated
in Courtneys own areas of research: redistricting processes, voter registration
and democratic administration. As the bibliography makes clear, his nearly
four decades of work in these areas helps explain his effortless command
of these subjects. The chapters here on voter registration and redistricting
are excellent introductions to these complex topics. Courtneys handling
of the party system and questions of voting system effects, on the other
hand, appear more controversial and, frankly, out-of-date. Even if one
were to accept Courtneys rather benign characterization of the brokerage
model and there is considerable debate on that score it should be clear
that such a model is no longer in force today and has not been for some
time. Trudeau, Mulroney and Chrétien all failed to broker, despite enjoying
solid majority governments. And just as Cairns predicted, it is the plurality
system that has systematically distorted the divisive tensions in the country,
particularly with the 1993 federal election results. Ironically, the very
things that Courtney fears would come with a proportional voting system
that it would prevent accommodation and compromise, weaken accountability
between voters and parties/government, and encourage parties to give up
campaigning in weak areas are, in fact, regular features of our current
plurality system.
Courtneys only response to the poor performance of modern plurality appears
to be that we should wait until the system produces a return to brokerage
parties. But what if the brokerage parties are not coming back? Canadian
elections have changed considerably and the factors that once contributed
to the maintenance of two major centrist parties particularly the existence
of an east/west, nationally-focused economy appear to be in a state of
flux. This is where Courtneys rather narrow focus on the electoral institutions
side of elections is a limit in understanding elections as a whole, as
clearly modern elections are all about how money and media have changed
just about everything. Other volumes in the Democratic Audit series do
address these questions but their absence here is a bit jarring, and some
overlap given the fluidity of the topics is surely justified.
Courtneys brokerage party defence of plurality and his concomitant complaints
about the potentially dire consequences of PR in a Canadian setting are
a constant undercurrent of the book, popping up in nearly every chapter.
They are, essentially, the real thesis of the volume. It is surprising
then that his handling of voting system effects is often brief and perfunctory.
Courtney claims that PR leads to instability, party fragmentation, and
a lack of accountability between voters and government. But as evidence
he cites Israel, Italy and the Netherlands hardly a representative sample.
Effective comparison requires an assessment of an appropriately broad
universe of cases and ones that share roughly similar political circumstances
to the country in question (the politics of Israel and Italy are hardly
comparable to Canadian conditions). And given the considerable literature
that exists today on voting system effects, Courtneys sweeping generalizations
about PR systems require more support than a fleeting aside.
Where he does expend more effort on the debates, specifically questions
of voter turnout and womens representation, the results are mixed. He
rightly points out that the broad and sometimes unqualified claims about
how the adoption of PR will increase voter turnout are challenged by recent
PR election results in New Zealand. But his attempt to use historical
data from Manitobas PR-era to buttress this case, while novel, is methodologically
flawed as the whole province never used the system. On womens representation
and PR, Courtney argues that there is no automatic relationship between
the two. But this is a straw argument as no serious academic work over
the past two decades makes such an unqualified claim.
Ultimately, Elections is an uneven book. The effective discussion of certain
components of our electoral system must be contrasted with the less balanced
treatment of voting systems and their effects. In the end, Courtney justifies
his choices by recourse to a narrow, procedural view of democracy that
he believes is required to hold our fragile country together. Yet it is
just this narrow, limited and elitist form of democracy that many Canadians
are complaining about, and many experts blame for our current political
predicament.
Dr. Dennis Pilon
Frost Centre Postdoctoral Fellow
in Canadian Studies
Trent University
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