At the time this article was
written Keith Archer was an Associate Professor of Political Science at the
University of Calgary. Faron Ellis was completing an MA in Political Science at
Carleton University and Peter Nestoruk had recently completed an MA degree in
Political Science at the University of Calgary.
For most of its history, the
government of the province of Alberta has been dominated by a single party --
the United Farmers from 1921 to 1935, Social Credit from 1935 to 1971 and the
Progressive Conservatives since 1971. Indeed, the present distribution of seats
in the legislature, in which the government outnumbers the combined opposition
by approximately 3 to 1 represents, by Alberta standards, a relatively strong
opposition. Unlike general elections in many provinces, in which there is much
speculation on who will form the government, most speculation surrounding
recent general elections has concerned the probable magnitude of the
Conservative victory. In the context of a one party dominant political
environment, this article examines the attitudes of Alberta's legislators on a
number of non-policy related matters. In particular, it seeks to uncover
legislators' perceptions of the degree of ideological division within Alberta
and the legislature, their perception of the adequacy of the functioning of the
legislature, their role orientation and their career paths. The survey was
designed and administered as a class project by students enrolled in Political
Science 433, Canadian Legislative Behaviour, at the University of Calgary
during the Winter 1987 semester.
Following the 1986 provincial
general election Albertans returned 61 Progressive Conservatives, 16 New
Democrats, 4 Liberals and 2 Representatives to the Legislative Assembly. A
questionnaire was mailed to all 83 members of the Alberta Legislative Assembly
in February 1987, and was followed in March by a reminder notice and a second
copy of the questionnaire. Of these, 36 were completed and returned, resulting
in a response rate of 43 percent. The responses to the survey provide us with
an unusually intimate look at the orientations, outlook, career paths and
characteristics of Alberta's 21st legislaure.
Among other things it revealed that
Alberta's legislators perceive politics in ideological terms, often viewing
themselves as relatively moderate and their political opponents as ideological
extremists. Much of the rhetoric of politics is owing to these (mis)perceptions.
In addition, the data suggest that our MLAs identify a clear distinction
between the federal and provincial political realms, and see themselves as the
champions of provincial interests. Although legislators feel the pressures
imposed by party discipline, they tend not to view this as a hindrance to
representing their constituents -- indeed, many view the latter function as
their single most important task as legislators. Perceptions of the need for
legislative reform is, not surprisingly, strongly related to the partisanship
of the MLA, with opposition members demanding a greater role in the
policymaking process. And finally, we will see that many legislators,
especially government members, view their political activity as an obligation
or duty, with opposition members more likely to cite change in government as a
factor of primary importance. In both cases, however, we find that legislators
are likely to have come from highly politicized households, in which parents or
other significant family members took an active interest, if not involvement,
in partisan politics.
The Sample
With respect to most items our
sample reflects reasonably accurately the characteristics of legislators. The
most important exception is regarding the distribution of party support. We
received completed questionnaires from 19 Conservatives, 14 New Democrats, 2
Liberals and 1 Representative, providing a response rate of 31%, 88%, 50%, and
50% for the four parties, respectively. To avoid a distorted view of the
legislators, all analyses will be conducted controlling for the party of the
respondent, with some distinguishing between the government and opposition.
Alberta's legislators (like most)
tend to be highly educated middle age males.According to A Guide to Alberta's
Twenty-First Legislature over 90 percent of all legislators on the government
side were male, half of them had a university degree and their average age was
almost 50 years. Among opposition MLAs, approximately 4 out of 5 were men,
almost 9 of 10 had a university degree and their average age was 43 years. Thus
the opposition tends, on average, to be more highly educated, younger, and
somewhat more likely to be female than are members of the government party.
A similar pattern can be seen in
the characteristics of our sample. Among the respondents from the government
side of the House, all were male, approximately 6 out of 10 graduated from
university and their age averaged 48 years. For the opposition respondents,
almost 9 and 10 were male, 82 percent had received a university degree and
their age averaged 46 years. The close correspondence between the
characteristics of the sample and the overall population of MLAs leads us to
conclude that, controlling for party, the sample accurately represents the
characteristics of Alberta's legislators.
Ideology
It is conventional wisdom that
Canadians tend not to order their political attitudes and beliefs within a
consistent ideological framework(1). Although one can generally ascribe an ideological
position (as in liberal versus conservative, or left versus right) to most
issues, the political attitudes of the mass public tend to be neither stable
across time nor consistent across issues. In contrast, studies have shown a
considerable degree of ideological stability and consistency among political
elites, including members of legislative assemblies.(2) Political debate,
therefore, is often more ideological within than outside legislatures.
We were interested in examining the
ideological perceptions of Alberta's legislators and asked them to rank various
items on a seven-point scale ranging from (1)extremely liberal to (7) extremely
conservative, with (4) clearly marked as neutral. We found legisators in the
various parties have very different perceptions of their own and others'
ideological positions. For example, members of the Conservative party rated
themselves 5.4, approximately the midpoint between the "somewhat
conservative" and "conservative" categories. Both the New
Democrats and Liberals rated themselves precisely at 2, the "liberal"
category.
Perceptions of personal ideology
can be contrasted with that ascribed to others. MLAs perceive at least a modest
similarity between their position and that of their constituents. Progressive
Conservatives perceive their constituents as being almost identical to them,
and towards the right, whereas New Democrats see theirs as being some distance
from themselves and left of centre. Liberals are the exception, viewing their
constituents somewhat right of centre and themselves considerably to the left.
Aside from themselves and their constituents, MLAs have a remarkable
consistency in their perception of the ideological position of other groups in
the mass public. There is a general uniformity in perceptions of Albertans as a
whole with members of each party seeing Albertans as somewhat right of centre
whereas Canadians as a whole are seen as being somewhat left of centre by
Conservatives, New Democrats and Liberals. It also is interesting to note that
MLAs see Albertans as occupying an ideological middle ground between Canadians
and Americans, with the latter receiving rankings farther toward the
conservative end.
MLAs were asked to rank the
ideological position of the political parties at the provincial and federal
levels. Interestingly, and perhaps not surprisingly, MLAs view their personal
position and that of their party as coinciding almost perfectly. The different
between position of self and party is 0.2 among Conservatives, 0.1 among New
Democrats and 0.0 among Liberals. However, members of opposing parties tend to
view each other as more extreme. Whereas Conservatives rated their party 5.2,
according to New Democrats and Librals its position was 6.4 and 6.5,
respectively, well to the conservative end of the ideological spectrum.
Conversely, whereas New Democrats saw their party as taking liberal positions,
Conservatives and Liberals saw the party as being considerably more extreme
(1.3 and 1.5, respectively). The greatest disagreement was over the placement
of the provincial Liberal party, with Liberals and Conservatives seeing the
party as located toward the left (2.0 and 2.5, respectively) and New Democrats
viewing the Liberals as neutral or leaning toward the right (4.1). These
general trends are repeated at the federal level, with the exception that the
federal Conservative party is seen as less conservative that its provincial
counterpart by all groups, especially by the Conservative MLAs.
Respondents also were asked to
state their views on the ideological position of Canadian business and labour
unions. Although there was general agreement that business is towards the
conservative and labour the liberal ends of the spectrum, interesting partisan
differences again emerge. New Democrats and Liberals are likely to view
Canadian business toward the conservative extreme, and Conservatives to see
labour as occupying a position toward the liberal extreme of the ideological
continuum.
This data suggests that Alberta
politics may be much more ideological in rhetoric than in reality. Alberta's
MLAs tend to view their constituents and Albertans as relatively close to the
ideological centre and themselves as distinctly although moderately
ideological. However, focusing in particular on the Conservatives and New
Democrats, MLAs tend to view their opponents almost as close as possible to the
ideological extremes (1.3 versus 6.4). When using the generic terms of business
or labour, the perception also is one of ideological extremities. If we adopt
the reasonable assumption that an MLA understands his own position better than
does his political opponent, then the political disagreement among MLAs
reflects the thrust and parry of adversarial arliamentary politics as much as
it reflects profound differences over policy choices. Although disagreements
over policy exist, they are amplified and distorted by political rhetoric. Put
another way, measured against their self perceptions, neither the Conservatives
nor the New Democrats are as profoundly ideological as their political
opponents would have us believe. Whether those self perceptions constitute the
appropriate comparative framework will be a matter of continuing partisan
disagreement.
The Policy Process
Although in theory the
parliamentary system of government need not be highly centralized, in practice
the Canadian version has developed in a highly centralized fashion at both the
federal and provincial levels.(3) At the federal level, the paucity of power
among backbench and opposition members of parliament has led to repeated calls
at various times for parliamentary reform. The most recent of these resulted in
the creation of the McGrath committee in 1985 and the adoption of some of its
recommendations in 1986 (such as the election of the Speaker and the restructuring
of parliamentary committees, among others. Is there a similar level of
dissatisfaction or frustration at the provincial level, and if so, what are the
prospects for parliamentary reform?
To answer these questions, we first
wanted to determine the extent to which the decision-making process is
perceived as highly centralized. To that end, we developed a measure of
political efficacy -- that is, a measure of the degree to which the MLA feels
capable of affecting the policy process. Political efficacy is measured by a
scale which sums responses to six statements regarding the individual's role in
the policy process. The following questions for the basis of the scale:
(1) With the progressive exclusion
of the average MLA from any meaningful participation in the policy initiation
process, his/her role is reduced either to intermittently attacking or to
defending policies that have been predetrmined by party leaders.
(2) The legislature (excluding the
cabinet) plays a minor role at best in the formulation of legislation.
(3) The legislative assembly has
neither the power nor the authority to oversee effectively the bureaucracy.
(4) Sometimes I think I would get
more of my ideas implemented if I were a senior civil servant instead of a
legislator.
(5) Issues that confront me as an
MLA are often so specialized, and there is so little time to study them, that I
often vote without the benefit of a detailed understanding of the issues.
(6) When you first come to
Edmonton, you have all sorts of great ideas about what should be done. Then
reality sets in. There is nothing, absolutely nothing, an individual MLA can do
about getting his or her ideas accepted in the form of legislation unless he or
she is a member of cabinet.
A point was added for each
"disagree" or "strongly disagree" response, resulting in a
scale ranging from 0 to 6. The results indicate that feelings of political
efficacy are strongly related to position in the legislature, with cabinet
members the most, government backbenchers moderately and opposition members
least efficacious. These findings are consistent with our expectations that
those with the most power feel the most efficacious.
A more detailed examination of
responses to these separate items is instructive. We found that virtually all
cabinet members and a vast majority of government backbenchers (82%) think the
legislature plays more than a minor role in the policy process. This contrasts
with the view of an equally high percentage of opposition members who believe
the legislature play only a minor role. Similar patterns of opinion are
observed when queried on the importance of cabinet position in getting one's
ideas implemented; government members thought being in cabinet had little
effect whereas opposition members thought it extremely beneficial. In addition,
whereas cabinet members thought the procedural rulesof the legislature hampered
it, the opposition felt the government benefits from house rules.
In addition to the widespread
perception of executive dominance, many legislators think the bureaucracy also
is biased in favour of the government.(4) Every one of the opposition members
surveyed agreed that the provincial bureaucracy in Alberta is not neutral. In
addition, almost half the backbenchers and a third of the cabinet members who responded
share that opinion. There is, however, a widespread belief among MLAs that the
bureaucracy remains accountable. Only 17% think that representatives do not
have enough control over the bureaucracy and only 26% think they would get more
of their ideas implemented if they were a senior civil servant. In both cases,
opposition members are slightly more likely to hold such views.
There are at least two potential
implications that can be derived from our findings of differential levels of
political efficacy -- variations in the degree of political power can be seen
as legitimate and justifiable, implying no prescribed change, or it can be seen
as problematic, requiring redress through parliamentary reform. Our data
suggest the implication drawn by the legislator is influenced strongly by his
parliamentary position. To illustrate, MLAs were presented with the following
statement:
"To improve the operations of
the legislative assembly, the -------- should have a greater role than they
currently have."
They then were given a series of
items to fill in the blank, the results of which appear in the following table.
Proportion
Thinking Group Should have more Power By Position in Legislature
|
|
|
Cabinet
|
Govt
Backbencher
|
Opposition
|
Backbenchers
|
Agree
|
0%
|
50
|
56
|
Opposition
|
Agree
|
0%
|
0
|
69
|
Premier
|
Agree
|
0%
|
20
|
6
|
Bureaucracy
|
Agree
|
0%
|
0
|
13
|
Legislative
Committees
|
Agree
|
17%
|
60
|
73
|
Note that in general cabinet members
re least likely to favour changing the status quo, and opposition members most
likely, with government backbenchers also interested in certain types of
change. The greatest support for institutional change concerns legislative
committees. Almost three of every four opposition members and three of five
government backbenchers favour an expansion in the role of legislative
committees, although members of cabinet are almost unanimous in their
opposition to reform of that type. In addition, many government backbenchers
and opposition members favour increasing the role of backbenchers and many in
the opposition favour strengthening the opposition's power. Enhancing the power
of the premier or the bureaucracy received almost no support. Although there appears
to be considerable support for an enlarged role for legislative committees
among the government's backbenches and in the opposition, unless and until the
case can be made more convincingly to cabinet, such reform will not be
forthcoming.
Related to the issue of
centralization of power within the legislative assembly is the representational
orientation of legislators. Analysts often distinguish between
"delegate" and "trustee" orientations. A delegate is a
representative whom remains particularly attuned to and responsive to the
concerns of his or her constituents whereas a trustee is more likely to
distance himself from the concern of constituents, and to base his decision on
other criteria, including personal beliefs. Starting with Edmund Burke many have
argued that the trustee style is best suited for a parliamentary system with
its emphasis on party solidarity and party discipline whereas the delegate type
is most suitable in a system with a fragmentation of power, such as the
American Congress.(5)
To examine the representational
orientation of Alberta MLAs we constructed an index based on seven questions
dealing with the most important factors involved in the voting decision.
The statements are:
(1) The job of an MA entails being
a sounding board for constituency opinion and then acting on it. I always
attempt to find out what my constituents feel and make my decision accordingly.
(2) I cannot see why there is any
incompatibility between serving my constituency and the province.
(3) My first duty is to the people
of my constituency; they are the ones who elected me.
(4) The most important part of an
MLAs job, that is if he/she is interested in coming back to the legislature, is
to go to bat for his/her constituents in their dealing with the government. Even
statesmen have to be re-elected and for that you have to look after your
constituents.
(5) An MLA seldom has to sound out
his/her constituents because he/she knows how they would react to almost any
proposal.
(6) If anyone tells you he makes his
decisions here in the legislature on the basis of what his constituents want,
assuming he knew what they want, he is either kidding himself or you.
(7) In a parliamentary system, your
party and your party's record are all-important, so it is necessary to vote
with your party even if it costs you support in your riding.
One point was awarded for each
response indicating a concern for constituent's opinions, providing a scale
which ranged from 0 to 7. The results show a strong overall norm among the MLAs
to express the view that the concerns of constituents are important and
well-represented. Not a single respondent scored less than 3 on the scale, and
the mean scores ranged from 6.0 among cabinet members to 5.7 among government
backbenchers to 4.9 among the opposition. Several explanations can be provided
to explain the reported greater concern for constituents view by Conservatives.
First, we have already seen that members of the Conservative party were more
likely than New Democrats or Liberals to view their ideological position and
that of their constituents as identical. Given the perception that one's views
are the same as one's constituents, then it becomes virtully impossible not to
legislate in a manner consistent with the wishes of constituents -- any
legislation which you favour is, by definition, favoured by constituents.
This greater concern for
constituents opinions may also be explained by a greater national perspective
adopted by members of the opposition, especially by New Democrats. Respondents
were asked what percentage of their provincial and federal party's platform
they agreed with. Among Conservatives, the mean level of agreement was 84% for
the provincial and 64% for the national party. Among New Democrats, on the
other hand, the corresponding figures were 89% and 83% for the provincial and
federal wings, respectively. Furthermore, provincial MLAs claim to be more
active in their party's federal wing, and were more likely to have campaigned
for the federal party and to have had federal members campaign on their behalf
than is the case for Conservatives.
Perhaps more directly relevant to
our discussion, Conservative MLAs were far more likely than New Democrats to
agree with the statement: "I consider it my role to defend the interests
of Alberta against those of the federal government", and were less likely
to be concerned about the impact their legislation would have on the rest of
Canada than were NDP MLAs.
Recruitment
Legislators in Alberta and
elsewhere tend to have higher levels of social status, as measured by levels of
education, income and occupation, than does the population as a whole. The 83
seat legislature contains 8 lawyers, 3 doctors or dentists, 13 educators and 22
independent businesspersons, proportions that far exceed those in the general
population.(6) Equally striking is that over the entire population, there is
only a modest relationship between social status and level of political
participation -- although a positive relationship exists, it tends to be weak.
This apparent paradox is owing in part to the low aggregate levels of
participation among the Canadian electorate.(7)
In explaning why MLAs choose to
contest a seat in the legislature, it is necessary to go beyond simple
descriptions of their sociodemographic characteristics. The research that has
been done to date suggests that childhood socialization plays a large role in
later political activity.(8) To examine this thesis, respondents were asked
about their parents' political interest and activity. That data illustrate that
Alberta's MLAs tended to come from highly politicized environments.
Approximately one out of three Conservatives and opposition members recalled
that their parents were very or fairly active politically, while 10.5 percent
of conservatives and 17.6 percent of opposition members said their parents held
political office. It should be noted that these levels of parental political
activity far exceed those in the general population. Although parental
political socialization is not the only reason MLAs decided to contest
politics, it remains an important determinant among the Alberta legislators.
We asked the MLAs to tell us in
their own words why they chose to become politically active. A majority of
respondents (57.6%) said that the desire to perform a service or fulfill a duty
lay behind their decision. Of lesser importance was the wish to pursue an
interest in politics (24.2%), to bring about a change or a more just political
system (21.2%), to influence growth in the province (15.2%) and to bring personal
skills to bear on the problems of politics (12.1%). Members of the government
party were most likely to mention political activity as a duty whereas
opposition members tended to be influenced more by their political interest and
to bring about a change in government. Notably absent were ideological and
issue responses; the MLAs appeared not to be extraordinarily issue oriented.
Notes
1. Research in this area is quite
extensive. See, among others, Harold Clarke, Jane Jenson, Lawrence LeDuc and
Jon Pammett, Political Choice in Canada, McGraw-Hill Ryerson, Toronto, 199;
Harold Clark, Jane Jenson, Lawrence LeDuc and Jon Pammett, Absent Mandate,
Gage, Toronto, 1984.
2. The classic statement is in
Converse, "The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics" in David
Apter, ed. Ideology and Discontent, Wiley, New York, 1963. For Canadian data
see Allan Kornberg, William Mishler and Joel Smith "Political Elite and
Mass Perceptions of Party Locations in Issue Space: Some Tests of Two
Positions," British Journal of Political Science,", 5, 1975, 161-185;
Roger Gibbins and Neil Nevitte, "Canadian Political Ideology: A
Comparative Analysis," Canadian Journal of Political Science," 18,
1985, 577-598.
3. See, among many others, Donald
V. Smiley, The Federal Condition in Canada, McGraw-Hill Ryerson, Toronto, 1987;
and Garth Stevenson, Unfulfilled Union, Gage, Toronto, 1982.
4. The susceptibility of unelected
officials to adopt views consistent with the government during periods of one
party dominance has been documented lucidly and convincingly at the federal
level in Reg Whitaker, The Government Party, University of Toronto Press,
Toronto, 1977.
5. See, for example, Richard Fenno,
Homestyle: House Members in Their District, Little Bown, Boston, 1978.
6. Alberta Teachers' Association,
Alberta's Twenty-First Legislature, p. 45.
7. For further elaboration on this
theme, see William Mishler, Political Participation in Canada, Macmillan,
Toronto, 1977.
8. See, for example, Allan
Kornberg, Joel Smith and Harold Clarke, Citizen Politicians -- Canada, Carolina
Academic Press, Durham, NC, 1979. For an elaboration of his argument with a
focus on adult socialization see Keith Archer, "The Failure of the New
Democratic Party: Unionists and Politics in Canada," Canadian Journal of
Political Science, 19, 1985, 352-366.